Showing posts with label Strawberry generation. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Strawberry generation. Show all posts

Sunday, May 11, 2014

Talking about my... generational issues

Towering.

Why don't you all fade away
And don't try to dig what we all say
I'm not trying to cause a big sensation
I'm just talkin' 'bout my generation

Popped over to Thinking Taiwan.com, where you should really be going, and read a lot today. One point that is made in various forms by many commentators there, and everywhere else, is that this generation of kids is different: it's the first to grow up under democracy.

Well, that's true, yet this generation is different in another way too: it is the first to face economic prospects worse than those of its parents. This generation is suffering under years of worsening income inequality (Gini coefficient), stagnant incomes, and slowing growth:

Year Growth Rate
Gini 


1990

6.87

0.308

1991

7.88

0.312

1992

7.56

0.315

1993

6.73

0.318

1994

7.59

0.317

1995

6.38

0.317

1996

5.54

0.320

1997

5.48

0.324

1998

3.47

0.325

1999

5.97

0.326

2000

5.80

0.350

2001

-1.65

0.345

2002

5.26

0.343

2003

3.67

0.338

2004

6.19

0.340

2005

4.70

0.339

2006

5.44

0.340

2007

5.98

0.341

2008

0.73

0.345

2009

-1.81

0.342

2010

10.76

0.342

2011

4.19

0.308

2012

1.48

0.312

2013

2.1


Source: DGBAS

Cruelly, this generation's growing environmental awareness confronts an environment increasingly traumatized by the construction-industrial state, while many of its best management and engineering prospects must look for work in China.

To put this in historical perspective, between 1895 and 1938, Taiwanese knew solid economic growth driven by Japanese subsidies for rice and sugar production which paid above-world-market prices for those items. For a brief period around 1936-37, per capita incomes in Taiwan may have exceeded per capita incomes in Japan proper. Thus the great-grandparents of this generation knew a land whose wealth and stability steadily grew.

The war intervened and trade with Japan collapsed after 1943 with the US sub blockade. When the war ended, Japanese were largely repatriated, and the island was catastrophically looted by the KMT. Incomes plummeted and with the advent of a million or so extra mouths to feed in 1949, per capita incomes probably did not recover until the mid-1960s (Mendel discusses this in the classic The Politics of Formosan Nationalism). The KMT, probably deliberately, marks the beginning of its records in 1950, which shows steady growth (experienced by the locals, until about 1965, as recovery) throughout the 50s to the 80s, with a few blips. Hence, until 1990, two generations came and went under steady GDP growth and constantly increasing economic prospects.

But the second of those two generations is still around, and it views things rather differently than the young. In its late 40s to early 60s, it is the true Strawberry generation, consolidating its gains, keeping its head down, not taking risks, deploring the action-oriented youth, and not taking to the streets to protect the future of its children. When their children took to the streets, they faced resistance from above: their parents cajoled, threatened, and forbade them from taking such action, according to many students I spoke to. When Hon Hai Chairman Terry Gou denigrated democracy the other day, saying that it didn't put food on the table, he was speaking as one in that older generation and many must have quietly agreed. Their experience is that democracy has brought slumping economic prospects and rising prices. What good can it be?

But there's another generational change quietly taking place: when Ma Ying-jeou finally steps down from the Presidency, he will likely be the last mainlander president born in China. The current generation of mainlander candidates for presidency were all born in Taiwan, the place where their faux mainlander identity was created, a true-born Taiwan identity even though it regards the island as an inferior place of exile. Their children, now in their 20s and 30s, are either emigrating, mostly to the US (like Ma Ying-jeou's daughters), or quietly adopting the rapidly evolving Taiwanese identity, which has both democracy and the island itself at its core. This generational change is happening within the KMT even as the DPP is finally handing off the torch to the generation that came of age after the democracy activism of the 70s and 80s.

While people note that the young are quite different than the old, in fact all the actors are in a place where no generation has ever been. What new Taiwan will they create? Stick around and see... because things are going to get real interesting...
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Friday, August 03, 2012

Have the Strawberries Found Their Voice?

Taipei Times editorializes on the Strawberry Generation:
For those who have long complained about the seemingly apathetic Taiwanese youth on matters of politics, the past two weeks must have had elements of both surprise and relief, with two large student mobilizations taking place in two cities on two different continents: London and Taipei.

The catalyst in both instances was injustice — the removal, following official complaints by China, of the Republic of China (ROC) national flag at a non-Olympic venue in London, and the creation of a pro-China media monster through the acquisition by the Want Want China Times Group of China Network Systems’ (CNS) cable TV services, and the subsequent threat of lawsuits by a Want Want employee against a student.

Hundreds gathered on Regent Street in London, proudly showing the ROC flag, while about 700 protested in front of the CtiTV building in Taipei, calling for freedom of speech to be respected. In stark contrast to the protests organized by the pan-green camp, where the majority of participants are usually above the age of 50, those two events involved students and young professionals who were educated, connected and angry. They were, in essence, the same type of people who took to the streets earlier this year when two houses were flattened in a suburb of Taipei to make way for an urban renewal project; or those who turned up in large numbers to confront police and contractors when farmland was seized to accommodate large-scale industrial projects.

Issues of justice, rather than abstracts of ethnicity or nationality, are what lights the fire in the belly of Taiwanese youth today. For them, the past is in the past and the issue of who they are has already been settled; what they look to is the future and the uncertainties created by injustice. That is why one can hardly find anyone below the age of 30 at protests against, say, the so-called “1992 consensus,” but thousands will roll up their sleeves when someone’s property is threatened by state rapacity.

All of this occurs at a time when policymaking within the Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) administration appears to have been taken over by an old, conservative wing of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), while moderates in the pan-blue camp have grown largely silent.
When I went down south after the Morakot disaster I was struck by the large numbers of young people -- organized by local governments -- who had poured out to help the victims. The Strawberries are not soft, but their causes are not the same as those of their parents.

The TT's claim that Strawberries "know who they are" is entirely correct; the problem is that their identity is incomplete -- as I've noted before, it's a not- identity: "we are not Chinese, we are Taiwanese." But it should be noted that the Strawberry generation maintains harmony amongst its members by avoiding discussion of the Blue-Green divide and papering over those tribal identities with silence. The reason social injustice motivates them is probably fall-out from that general generational decision: social injustice is something everyone across the Blue-Green divide can agree on.

The Losheng Leper Sanatorium was probably the first issue for the new generation. Another key moment was the Wild Strawberry movement, which fought for public assembly rights. Although it worked hard to be non-partisan, the government and its servants struck heavily at it by painting it as a pan-Green tool. Assembly rights are overtly political rights.... what's interesting in the WantWant case is that the side supporting a free and open media environment has successfully avoided the charge of being a pan-Green tool, even though WantWant and its CEO are rabidly pro-China. It seems to me that unlike in the Wild Strawberry case pan-Green politicians appear to have maintained a discreet distance. Moreover, the student who was threatened with a lawsuit for posting pictures on the internet is someone that every young person in Taiwan can identity with; they all use the internet as naturally as breathing and they all post pictures on social networks.....
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Don't miss the comments below! And check out my blog and its sidebars for events, links to previous posts and picture posts, and scores of links to other Taiwan blogs and forums! Delenda est, baby.